áraba

The Richmond Area Bicycling Association (RABA) has been offering cyclists of all levels and abilities many ways to enjoy their favorite pastime for more than 50 years. The club offers:

We’re also very active in the community by way of charitable concerns. such as our RABA Grants and Bikes for Kids programs,  and governmental advocacy efforts. We’d love to have you join us! Our rides are open to the public so give us a try.

Raba (ラーバ?), full name Raba Solomon (ラーバ゠サルモン?) according to the PS2 Ys VI: The Ark of Napishtim official guide, is a wise man that Adol first encounters in the Darm Tower.

Raba is a scholar who came to Esteria 6 months before the start of Ys I: Ancient Ys Vanished in order to study its ancient ruins. Unfortunately, while Raba was investigating Darm Tower, monsters appeared. Trapped in the tower, he managed to survive due to help from Dogi and the idol which allows him to vanish from sight.

Adol encouters Raba in the Darm Tower. He provides some items to help Adol sneak through several traps in the tower.

Raba appears again in Ys VI: The Ark of Napishtim as the mentor of Ur. He arrived at the island 3 years earlier than Adol did. He is one of the few Eresians trusted by the Rehda tribe.

The RABA Automotive Group (Hungarian: Raba Jarmuipari Holding Nyrt.), commonly known as Raba, is a Hungarian public limited company, listed on the Budapest Stock Exchange.^[2] Raba engineers, manufactures and customizes automotive components, specialty vehicles and axles for commercial vehicles, agri-machinery and earth-movers.^[2] The Raba has been building axles as well as complete vehicles since 1902. The company has three strategic business units.^[2] The company is headquartered in Gyor, employing more than 2000 people.^[2]

1896. On March 27, a group of capitalists filed a petition with the City of Gyor. In the application, they requested and were granted State benefits, duty exemptions and pre-orders. According to the share subscription form, the task of the factory is: " Factory production of wagons, machines and steam boilers, production of all kinds of electrical plants and equipment (…) ". The share capital of the company was HUF 500,000 (of which HUF 440,000 was owned by the Lederer brothers).With the inaugural general meeting held on December 28, 1896, the company at Gyor "Magyar Waggon- es Gepgyar Reszvenytarsasag" officially started its operation. By 1900 the factory was a modern large-scale machine factory with an iron and steel foundry, material testing laboratories, and maintenance and tool-making workshops.

The first months of 1897 were marked by the start-up of the factory. The city of Gyor handed over 15 acres of 720 squares to the factory for a symbolic amount of HUF 7,500. They started to convert the ox stalls into a factory building, ordered the technical equipment of the factory, and on February 22 the company was registered in the Gyor court of registration. The plant's 500 workers received a total of 500 hp on three steam engine units. The value of the buildings was HUF 131,472, and HUF 48,779 was spent on the renovation. This allowed the company to become a very modern wagon factory. The main (almost exclusive) product of the post-factory period was the railway car. At first trucks and then cars were made 8-10 a day, which was outstanding with 1,200 workers in 1898. The first product was a 15-ton, 2-axle tanker for the Galician-Carpathian Petroleum Rt.

In 1898, orders were placed for the production of freight wagons (wine transport, charcoal transport, furniture transport, poultry transport, fruit transport) and passenger cars (guide wagons). Thus, by the end of the year, the factory had reached the production of the 1660th railway carriage.

In 1899, due to falling domestic orders, the factory looked to exports. We managed to win some Italian, German, and overseas orders. As more and more foreign cities order city trams (Amsterdam, Antwerp), it has become necessary to create an " electric accumulator manufacturing department ".

In 1900, the company was invited to the World's Fair in Paris along with several wagon factories, where the factory presented 4 wagons. In the meantime, they procured the equipment and raw materials needed for battery production.

The year 1901 was a big leap in the world. Customers now included the East India Railways, the Costa Rican Railways, the British Colonies in South Africa and the London Underground Railways. The successes were due to competitive prices, good quality products, and adherence to delivery deadlines. The battery manufacturing division was transformed into a separate company.

Already in 1902, the company dealt with the idea of road vehicle production, as the two orders suggest, but the actual production did not begin until 1903. The production of military vehicles at the wagon factory began in great secrecy. The company faced a big dilemma in choosing the production profile because it had to choose a vehicle that has a future. Since the old engine factories are still mainly engaged in the production of stationary engines, the management of the Wagon Factory purchased the patent for the Stoltz system gasoline engine. The car industry was still in its infancy, the biggest driving force was the sport. However, there were those interested in commercial vehicles such as the military and the post office. in Hungary Janos Csonka and Donat Banki pioneered the production of motor vehicles. The Wagon Factory contacted Janos Csonka and entered the tender production of three-wheeled motor vehicles. In 1903, when the right to manufacture a steam boiler was purchased, they were thinking not only of the production of steam-powered railway carriages, but also of steam cars. However, the idea of a steam car was soon discarded, so another plan came up, one for a gasoline-powered commercial vehicle. With the start of car production, the factory's revenue became more even because it could also be produced for storage. The test drive of the first car made in Gyor was made in 1904. was held on 25 February. Unlike France, like Germany, the company aimed to produce truck vehicles at a pace similar to that of passenger cars. On March 16, 1905, the first agricultural experimental tractor, actually for military purposes, was completed, which became experimental only because its 40-horsepower gasoline engine did not prove strong enough. The steam-powered Stoltz engine was rather installed in railroad cars, with considerable success. By 1904, in addition to Ganz steam engines, Stoltz cars appeared on the railways. These vehicles were manufactured until 1909, until orders ran out. According to the state industry subsidy of 1910, only Hungarian produced cars were allowed as taxi cars in Hungary. Thus, the Wagon Factory makes its three-seater rental car. There is even a light truck from this period. However, the relationship with Daimler did not prove fruitful, so the parties terminated it in 1911 by mutual agreement. Production begins in the steel foundry, which was replaced in 1914 by a Siemens-Martin furnace.

In 1913, the Czech Praha car license was purchased, on the basis of which the production of RABA "V" type trucks and RABA Grand passenger cars began. The steward's office ordered a special RABA Grand for the personal use of Emperor Charles I of Austria.^[3] In 1904, the production of the first petrol engine powered trucks started.

In 1899, the Raba had started to export to foreign countries: it supplied railway passenger carriages to Egypt, the East Indies, Southern Africa, city tramcars to Amsterdam and Antwerp. In the first decade of the 20th century, the factory upgraded its fleet and built a new wagon assembly hall. Metals are gaining ground: in 1905, wagons were already reinforced with iron. Due to the special requirements of export orders, the factory has to provide state-of-the-art technology. Domestic customers mainly require steam heating and oil lighting, while foreigners require electric lighting. For the 1906 exhibition in Milan, the company enters with sophisticated railroad cars, where little has been sacrificed for everything for comfort. The "International Sleeping Car Company" ordered a dining car was one of the most honorable tasks. The successful completion of the high-demand, high-demand trial order resulted in the ordering of an additional 14 dining cars by the Wagons-Lits company. The waggon company produced city tram cars for Temesvar (Now Timisoara), Kassa (now Kosice), Nagyvarad (now Oradea), Szeged and for the Budapest suburban railways too. The carriages of the London underground railway were constructed and manufactured in the Raba company. In 1905, the London Underground Railway ordered 30 multiple-unit trains, 66 passenger cars for multiple-unit trains and bogies.

In 1922, according to the plans of Vilmos Szilagyi, a special armored car was built, then a civilian car. The direction of travel of the vehicle was reversible by means of a reverser, it was steerable on both sides and could be operated in four gears in both directions.

In 1923, a RABA car took second place on the Hungarian tour of Austria. To order the post office, the production of a "P" type 1.5-ton truck was started, a modified version of which was also used as a fire truck.

In 1925, another license agreement was concluded with the Praha factory. Based on this, three-ton trucks and buses marked "L" were built.

From 1926 to 1929, "Pe" electric cars were manufactured for the post office in cooperation with the Ganz factory, which supplied the engines, and the Tudor factory, which supplied the batteries.

In 1927, the factory purchased a license from Krupp Works to produce 3- and 5-ton trucks powered by four- and six-cylinder engines.

In 1928, instead of the obsolete design vans, they bought the right to manufacture modern "AF" cars designed by Austro-Fiat, which were manufactured until 1934.

In 1936, the RABA Super 2.5 ton trucks and then the RABA Special 3.5 ton trucks were built, which were built with the help of the AFI cooperation. These cars were made with a 5-speed transmission and, for the first time, a welded steel chassis. By 1951, 2,500 pieces had been made from this successful construction.

An aircraft workshop has been organized, so far only to make better use of the car factory’s fleet. The technology is expanding with aluminum foundry and non-ferrous metal production. Deep drawing was used to make the aircraft kite.

In 1937, he bought a license from the German manufacturer MAN to manufacture the RABA diesel engine. The Super cars are equipped with 65 hp, the Specials with 80 hp engines, the 100 hp engine is installed in the RABA-MAN D5 truck and in the 50-person Tram-bus manufactured from 1940.

In 1938, construction of the aircraft engine workshop began. A test room with brake pads will be built to test the engines. In his March speech, Kalman Daranyi announced the famous Gyor program, which financed 1 billion pengos primarily for military industrial development.

In 1939, based on the Gyor program, the 38M Botond military SUV was completed under the direction of Dezso Winkler, based on the further development of the previously successful RABA-AFI family. Five more Hungarian companies join the production, the first 150 pieces are delivered on July 1, 1939, followed by another 1252 until June 30, 1940.

The steel plant will be supplemented with heat treatment equipment suitable for the production of armor plates, and the old hydraulic presses will be replaced. In addition to investments in direct military production, wagon production will also be developed, new workshops will be built for the car plant and these will be equipped with modern machinery.

The RABA-MAN RABA 41 M artillery tractor, powered by a 100-horsepower six-cylinder engine, is being built, and Botond's experience has already been used in its design.

In 1940, independent aircraft production also began, after the assembly hall and parts warehouse were built. The first such construction is the prototype of the Levente school aircraft [1]. This year, 27 more WM-21 Falcon double-deck melee and bombing aircraft and 29 Focke-Wulf Fw 58 Weihe [2] military training aircraft will be produced.

Production of Messerschmitt aircraft begins in 1942: the Bf 109 single piston engine fighter and the Me 210 twin-engine fighter bomber.

Most of the capacity expansion carried out during the boom was destroyed by the bombings. After the German occupation, 18 major and 8 minor bombings hit the city. The first and most destructive was the April 13, 1944, which lasted only 20 minutes, but during that time 385 bombs weighing 227 kg, 500 bombs weighing 45.5 kg, 2,000 bombs weighing 20 kg, and 30-40 a thousand 3 kg incendiary bombs were dropped by the American Liberators. The number of victims exceeded 1,000. The Wagon Factory, the Airport, the Distillery, the Gas Factory, the Cardo Furniture Factory, the MAV Machine Factory (MAVAG), the National Electricity Co. (OVIRT), the railway station and the rails. Of the city’s 16 bridges, 15 were blown up, trees were cleared from the city’s parks due to lack of coal, and water, gas and electricity were cut off. Gyor was rightly apostrophized by the contemporary authors as a ruined city.

1945. on March 28, the factory came under Soviet military command. In the first years after the war, reparations accounted for much of the factory’s production.

1947: A prototype of a 45-ton steam crane is made, from which production begins in 1948.

1948: Launch of a new product: Bleichert electric forklifts. Forklift manufacturing takes the place of agricultural machinery manufacturing, which will be phased out. Between 1947 and 1949, the bridge factory manufactured the steel structures of the Arpad Bridge in Budapest, the Tisza Bridge in Vasarosnameny and the Revfalus Bridge in Gyor.

1949: Design and manufacture of a new two-ton forklift (type V27). The state-of-the-art steel foundry of the country with a capacity of 4-500 tons will be built in the factory. Independent car production will be discontinued for profile cleaning. The design of the cars is transferred to JAFI under the leadership of director Dezso Winkler, who in 1951 received the Kossuth Prize for his previous work. With the reorganization of car production, bus production will be moved to Ikarus, the running, ready-to-assemble truck chassis will be moved to the Csepel Car Factory, and the production of chassis, steering gear and gearbox will remain in Gyor for the time being.

1951: The first 20,000 m 3 ball tank is completed for the Gyor gas plant. The bridge plant manufactures steel structures for various large investments: plate chimneys and gantry cranes for Dunai Vasmu, tanks for Szony, and various iron structures for the Szolnok sulfuric acid plant. An outstanding product is the rotating bridge made for Egypt.

1953: The double-decker railway bridge over the Danube connecting Romania and Bulgaria is completed. The factory is making an aluminum bridge for free accommodation. It is the second aluminum bridge in Europe and the fourth in the world. Due to the immature technology, the road bridge was made with riveting.

1954: As part of the national railway diesel diesel program, the Gyor plant receives the production and development of one of the bore families of Ganz-Jendrassik engines. The factory workers play a significant role in the fight against the floods in the islands.

1955: The Heluan road and rail bridge is completed for Egypt. State-of-the-art new manufacturing technologies are introduced in the fields of welding, heat treatment and painting.

1956. on October 27, the Workers' Council is formed and takes over the management of the factory for a short time.

In 1957, the members of the Pattantyus brigade: Janos Bors, Jeno Kapuvary, Lajos Maroti, Sandor Pecsi and Sandor Ratz received the Kossuth Prize for the innovative heat treatment process introduced in the production of the crankshaft of Ganz-Jendrassik engines.

In 1963, following a government decision, a license was purchased for the production of diesel engines, which will be the engine of Hungarian buses and trucks in the coming years. The production of undercarriages will be multiplied and modernized. Big investments are starting.

The first results of the technological development are completed in 1967: Ikarus presents the first copies of the 200 bus family on the BNV, for which the rear axle and the MAN-licensed engine are provided by RABA.

The new engine factory was inaugurated in 1969 (the old engine factory has since become a maintenance workshop). Production of tractors for the 16-tonne RABA truck and 22-tonne 3-axle trailers begins.

In 1973, a license was purchased from the American manufacturer Steiger for the production of heavy agricultural tractors, to which other agricultural machines connected to it were also made. The 10,000th chassis is completed.

Since 1974, the factory has been exporting more and more rear axles, including to the United States, where Steiger has close ties with the tractor factory.

1980 DAF 241 cabs appear on trucks. Raba's trucks originally used cabins supplied by West German MAN, but from 1980 on DAF's F241 cabin was used.^[4] A few Roman cabs (of MAN origins) were also supplied from Romania in return for engines.^[5] Raba's engine mainstay was itself of MAN origins, with the old D21 inline-six diesel massaged up to 300 PS (221 kW) with the help of turbocharging and intercooling.^[4]

In the eighties, the development of the Raba H-series military car family began. Initially, they are fitted with Kamaz, later DAF cabs. Their mass-produced models have been made for the army since 2003. In the 1980s, Raba built no more than about 2,000 trucks per year, although it was Hungary's third biggest employer. Being an important provider to Hungarocamion, a publicly operated international trucking firm, helped raise their international profile.^[4] In 1985, Raba's business mostly consisted of engine and axle manufacturing, with only 15% of turnover being represented by trucks. Of these trucks, however, nearly 90 per cent were exported, with the lion's share going to Yugoslavia.^[5] In 1986, Raba introduced a more powerful, 370 PS (272 kW) diesel engine (D11TLL) in order to help their trucks compete internationally and to meet Hungarocamion's needs. The new engine range was loosely based on the earlier MAN units, but were now of 11.05 litres, and were developed together with the Linz Institute of Graz, Austria.

In 1992, the factory was transformed into a joint-stock company again. In 1997, as one of the steps in the implementation of the privatization strategy, the shares of Raba Rt. Will be listed on the Budapest Stock Exchange.

In 1993, new truck types with MAN F90 cabs appeared.

In 1998, they switched to DAF cabs again. The Raba FA27 all-wheel drive forestry car and the SL18 tractor are displayed.

In 1999, Raba Rt. Organized most of its activities into external companies and transformed into a holding company.

In 2001, the uneconomical engine plant was sold and bus production ceased.

In 2003, the production of special cars for the army begins.

The Raba Automotive Holding Plc. Operates in three business areas, which is three ltd. and whose contribution to the company's turnover is as follows (2016 data):

The chassis business

It continues to manufacture rear axles for heavy vehicles: trucks, buses, special vehicles and tractors. The products are self-developed and designed undercarriages, and Raba's products occupy one of the most important places in world production in this field. Automotive Parts Business

The factory mainly undertakes the supply of car seats for domestic and foreign car factories and railway cars. The sites are not located in Gyor, but in the countryside. Vehicle business

Ltd. capacity and production structure:

Self-developed cars:

RABA provides Bus Service (i.e., Fixed Route Bus Service and Commuter Bus Service).

RABA provides Demand Response Service, the ADA paratransit service, for persons with disabilities who are functionally unable to use Fixed Route Bus Service.

Burney Express is provided by the County of Shasta and operated by RABA. 

Also, see Transit and Transfer Centers.

Raid of two camps of pro-Morsi protesters in Cairo, Egypt

On 14 August 2013, Egyptian police and army forces under the command of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi raided two camps of protesters in Cairo: one at al-Nahda Square and a larger one at Rabaa al-Adawiya Square. The two sites had been occupied by supporters of President Mohamed Morsi, who had been removed from office by the military a month earlier in the 2013 Egyptian coup d'etat. The camps were raided after initiatives to end the six-week sit-ins by peaceful means failed and as a result of the raids, the camps were cleared out within hours.^[10] The raids were described by Human Rights Watch as crimes against humanity and "one of the world's largest killings of demonstrators in a single day in recent history".^[11] According to Human Rights Watch, a minimum of 904 people were killed (at least 817 in Rabaa Square and at least 87 in al-Nahda Square) with strong evidence to suggest more likely at least 1,000 died during the dispersal.^[12] However, according to the Egyptian Health Ministry, 595 civilians and 43 police officers were killed and at least 3,994 were injured.^[8][13][14] Later, the official Forensic Medical Authority stated only 8 police officers were killed^[15] and Egypt's National Council for Human Rights stated at least 624 civilians were killed.^[6] The Muslim Brotherhood and the National Coalition for Supporting Legitimacy stated the number of deaths from the Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque sit-in alone was about 2,600.^[9][16] The total casualty count made 14 August the deadliest day in Egypt since the 2011 Egyptian revolution which had toppled former President Hosni Mubarak.^[17] Several world leaders denounced the violence during the sit-in dispersals.^[18][19]

Violent retaliation followed in several cities across the country. The military-appointed interim government declared a three-month-long state of emergency in response and curfews were instituted in many areas.

Following the 2011 Egyptian revolution and subsequent instability, millions of Egyptians took to the streets calling for the resignation of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood president,^[20] which culminated in the ousting of President Mohamed Morsi. Prior to the anti-Morsi uprising, supporters of the deposed president occupied two squares – Rabaa al-Adawiya in Nasr City, Cairo and al-Nahda in Giza – originally to celebrate the one-year anniversary of his presidency, but from 3 July onwards to protest his ouster, vowing to remain until Morsi was reinstated.^[21] Authorities delayed clearing the two protest camps as internal and external reconciliation processes were established to attempt to resolve the crisis peacefully.^[22][23]

According to the military, the sit-ins were flash points for outbreaks of violence and bloody confrontations amongst pro-Morsi, anti-Morsi demonstrators and security forces.^[21][24] The encampments became a potent symbol of Egypt's impasse as they grew more permanent with stores, barbers and their own television station.^[21] Authorities saw the camps as destabilising and disruptive and representing "a threat to the Egyptian national security and an unacceptable terrorizing of citizens,"^[21][24] accusing the pro-Morsi side of provoking bloodshed to win sympathy^[24] and considered the standoff as hindering their view of putting Egypt on a "roadmap" to restoring civilian democracy, with a new constitution and new elections.^[22] The government threatened a raid on the protest camps on multiple occasions.^[17] Allegedly, an ultimatum was issued prior to 14 August, although Al-Azhar, Egypt's official Islamic authority, denied that such a warning had been given.^[25]

Initiatives that tried to resolve the tension, including foreign-backed efforts by Gulf Arab countries, the E.U. and the U.S.A., failed to yield any positive outcomes before state authorities decreed these a failure and issued the ultimatum.^[26] Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawi warned just ahead of the Muslim Eid al-Fitr holiday that the government's decision to clear the sit-ins was "irreversible".^[27]

According to the Interior Ministry, the plan was originally to disperse the six-week-old sit-ins gradually by forming cordons around the two sites as early as dawn Monday, 12 August, allowing protesters to leave but preventing others from getting in, to minimize casualties before using water cannons and tear gas.^[28] However, leaked news of the plan prompted thousands of protesters to defiantly flood into two protest camps, prompting police to postpone the move.

The protesters had been fortifying the sit-in camps. In Rabaa, men with helmets, sticks and what appeared to be protective sports equipment guarded barricades made of sandbags, truck tires and brick. They also built three concrete waist-high barriers against armored vehicles.^[28]

On 14 August 2013, shortly after 07:00, Egyptian police moved to disperse the camps. According to the Interior Ministry, the plan was originally to stop the protests gradually by cutting off supply lines while providing a safe exit for those who elected to leave.

By 8:00 the smaller camp – near Cairo University in Giza — was cleared of protesters, but it took about 12 hours for police to take control of the main sit-in site near the Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque that served as the epicenter of the pro-Morsi campaign.^[23][29] Police in riot gear opened fire with tear gas and birdshot. They were supported by bulldozers (to clear barricades), armored vehicles, and rooftop snipers who fired on those trying to flee. Military helicopters swooped low over the encampment and, using loudspeakers, warned the thousands of demonstrators to leave the area along designated routes to safety.^[23][29][30]

For much of the afternoon, thousands of Morsi supporters chanting "Allahu Akbar" tried to join those besieged by the security forces inside the Nasr City camp. They were driven away when police fired tear gas.^[29] All entrances to Rabaa were later blocked by security forces. Brotherhood spokesman Gehad El-Haddad accused police snipers of firing at Rabaa protesters from the rooftop of surrounding buildings^[23][31] and protesters also said that snipers fired down on those trying to flee or reach safety.^[23] In the afternoon, the protesters managed to push the police back to the point where they could get into a makeshift hospital. Shortly before dusk, soldiers and police officers renewed their push and protestors were forced to flee.^[23] Government forces then seized control, destroying what remained of the protest camp.

Immediately after the morning raids, the National Coalition for Supporting Legitimacy, a pro-Morsi group, reiterated its rejection of violence and called on its members to continue to protest "to stop the massacre".^[23][25] The attacks set off retaliatory clashes and protest marches.^[17] Protesters blocked important roads, including the Ring Road, a key route that connects many of Cairo's major districts.^[25] Crowds of Morsi supporters marched toward eastern Cairo in the late morning, running into a barrage of gunfire as they confronted police lines.^[17] Separately, a number of attacks on police stations occurred around the country. Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim put the number of stations attacked at 21. Angry mobs reportedly also attacked dozens of Christian properties.^[25] By nightfall, the military-backed interim government had declared a state of emergency and instituted a curfew.^[17] However, protesters established new sit-ins outside Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandeseen, Giza^[32] and others in cities around the country, defying the new curfew and the interior minister's vows to break up any such assemblies.^[23]

Initial reports by the Egyptian Health Ministry said 235 protesters, three journalists and 43 policemen died in the violence and more than 2,000 were injured, with the death toll expected to rise.^[23][29] Many protesters or rioters were shot and at least one person appeared to have been burned alive. Egyptian state television aired images showing what appears to be weapons confiscated from the sit-in protesters' camps, including automatic rifles and thousands of rounds of ammunition. An Egyptian free-to-air satellite news television channel aired infrared footage appearing to show pro-Brotherhood rioters firing automatic weapons against security forces.^[33] According to some political analysts and historians, the force with which the police attacked the protesters appeared designed to provoke a violent response from supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood.^[34]

The violence then spread across the country as people learned what had happened in Cairo and took to the streets in anger. In the Giza Governorate, an angry mob attacked a police station, one of 21 such attacks according to the interior ministry.^[23][25] In southern Egypt, between two and seven Coptic Christian churches were burned to the ground, according to The New York Times,^[23] while the interior ministry said that at least seven Coptic Christian churches had been vandalised or torched by suspected Islamists. One Coptic rights group, Maspero Youth Union (MYU), estimated that as many as 36 churches were "completely" devastated by fire across nine Egyptian governorates including in Minya, Sohag and Assiut, and many other churches were looted or stormed in ensuing street violence.^[23][35] Christian activists accused Morsi supporters of waging "a war of retaliation against Copts in Egypt."^[36] According to the government, Muslim Brotherhood supporters attacked government headquarters in several governorates.^[17] Supporters of Morsi staged solidarity protests against the crackdown, with clashes reported in Ismailia, Alexandria, Suez, Upper Egypt's Assiyut and Aswan and other places.^[37][38] In defiance of the curfew, Morsi supporters vowed to return to the streets to continue protesting against the crackdown and coup.^[36] Egyptian banks and its stock market were closed through 15 August.^[17] Rail travel into and out of Cairo was also suspended.^[25] In Giza, hundreds of Morsi supporters also set fire to local government offices; the government then authorised the use of live ammunition on anyone attacking state buildings.^[39]

Tamarod called on its supporters to protest on 16 August and to form neighbourhood watch groups to guard against Morsi supporters; in like measure, Morsi supporters vowed to keep up their campaign to get the deposed president reinstated.^[40]

The next day, hundreds of Morsi supporters barricaded themselves at the Fateh Mosque in Cairo. After a day, security forces again cleared the demonstrators.^[41] The Muslim Brotherhood then reiterated its call to hold continued protests.^[42] The Muslim Brotherhood called for a "Day of Rage" after Friday prayers on 16 August with Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Gehad el-Haddad writing on Twitter: "Anti-coup rallies tomorrow will depart from all mosques of Cairo and head towards Ramsis square after Jumaa prayer in 'Friday of Anger'." The party also released a statement that read: "Despite the pain and sorrow over the loss of our martyrs, the latest coup makers' crime has increased our determination to end them."^[9] By 20 August, the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, Mohammed Badie, who had been in hiding, was arrested after being found in a residential flat in Nasr City.^[43] Pro-Morsi supporters continued to rally and on 30 August six protesters died.^[44]

The interim government declared a month-long state of emergency, commencing at 16:00. By doing so, the right to a trial and due process of the law was suspended.^[23] A 19:00 curfew was also declared in 14 of the 27 governorates (Cairo, Giza, Alexandria, Suez, Qena, Ismailia, Asyut, Sohag, Beni Suef, Minya, Beheira, South Sinai, North Sinai and Faiyum).^[45] The army promised to enforce the curfew with the "utmost firmness."^[25] The curfew would be enforced from 19:00–06:00 for a month, along with the state of emergency.^[46][47] The following day, Egypt's interim cabinet lifted the curfew in the cities of Sharm el-Sheikh, Taba and Dahab in South Sinai to avoid harming tourism.^[48] The curfew had started to hurt the Cairo economy after less than a week in place.^[49] Starting on 24 August, the interim cabinet decided to shorten the curfew by two hours to 21:00–06:00 excluding Fridays.^[50] On 31 August, the curfew was again shortened by another two hours to 23:00–06:00 excluding Fridays where the curfew remained from 19:00–06:00.^[51] On 12 September, Egypt's interim government decided to extend the state of emergency for 2 months, until 14 November, along with the curfew which remained unchanged.^[52] Starting 21 September, the curfew was again shortened by two hours to 00:00–05:00 excluding Fridays where the curfew was shortened by one hour to 19:00–05:00.^[53] On 24 October, the curfew was again shortened by one hour to 01:00–05:00 excluding Fridays where the curfew remained from 19:00–05:00.^[54] The state of emergency and curfew was lifted at 16:00 on 12 November, two days earlier than expected, following a ruling by the administrative court.^[55][56]

On 14 August, the Egyptian Health Ministry said that at least 600 protesters died and more than 2,000 injured. An additional 43 police officers were killed in the violence, according to the Interior Ministry.^[23][29] Later, the official Forensic Medical Authority stated only 8 police officers were killed.^[15] The Muslim Brotherhood estimated the death toll at 2,000.^[17] Many of the dead appeared to be young adults.^[23]

On 15 August, the Egyptian Health Ministry then raised the death toll to 638 and number of injured to 3,994.^[8][13][57] It is unclear whether at least a dozen of charred corpses and others that remain unidentified, have been included in the official death toll.^[8] However, the Muslim Brotherhood and NCSL put the number of deaths from the Rabaa sit-in alone at a much higher count of 2,600 people.^[9][16]

On 5 March 2014, Egypt's National Council for Human Rights stated at least 624 civilians and 8 police officers were killed.^[6]

On 12 August 2014, Human Rights Watch stated in a report based on a year-long investigation that the 14 August dispersal of the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in alone, security forces, following a plan that envisioned several thousand deaths, killed a minimum of 817 people and more likely at least 1,000.^[12] Kenneth Roth, the executive director of Human Rights Watch, said that "in Rab'a [sic] Square, Egyptian security forces carried out one of the world's largest killings of demonstrators in a single day in recent history" and that "this wasn't merely a case of excessive force or poor training. It was a violent crackdown planned at the highest levels of the Egyptian government".^[11][58]

Many deaths were also reported in Giza.^[59] Workers of al-Iman Mosque stated that the ministry "won't acknowledge" in their official death toll tally over 200 charred bodies that had been moved to the mosque from a protest camp nearby.^[60][61] At al-Iman Mosque in Nasr City the next day, hundreds of bodies were still on the floor of a makeshift morgue and wrapped in shrouds and kept cool with blocks of ice, some bodies also bore gunshot wounds and many were charred beyond recognition.^[39]

Among the dead was the daughter of Mohamed el-Beltagy, a prominent Muslim Brotherhood member.^[23]

During the dispersal, journalists covering the event were trapped. Four of them were killed, while others were injured or detained.^[62][63] According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, it was the deadliest day for journalists in Egypt since the organization began keeping records in 1992.^[64] Veteran Sky News camera operator Michael "Mick" Deane, 61, was killed.^{[23][62][63][65][66]} Deane was an experienced journalist who had previously worked for CNN before working for Sky News for 15 years.^[67] Photos of Deane's body showed that he was wearing a helmet that clearly identified him as a journalist.^[68] The CPJ said Deane was the 1000th journalist it had confirmed killed worldwide.^[69] Egyptian journalist Habiba Ahmed Abd Elaziz, 26, worked for Gulf News publication XPRESS newspaper, was shot and killed.^{[62][63][65][66][68][70]} Egyptian reporter Ahmed Abdel Gawad, who was with the Al-Akhbar state-run newspaper and was an editorial manager for the Muslim Brotherhood television satellite channel Misr 25, was shot in the back and killed.^{[62][63][64][71]} Rassd News Network (RNN) photojournalist Mosab El-Shami was also killed.^[62][63] Among the journalists most seriously injured were Al-Watan editor Tariq Abbas, who was shot in the face, and Al-Masry Al-Youm photojournalist Alaa al-Qamhawy, who was shot in the foot. Among the detained journalists were Al-Jazeera journalist Abdullah al-Shami and Al Jazeera Media Network's Mubasher Misr photographers Emad Eddin Al-Sayed and Abdulrahman Al-Mowahhed-Bellah, and Freedom and Justice Party (Egypt) (Al-Hurrya wa Al-Adala) / Misr 25 journalist Radwa Al-Selawi.^[71] Previously during the 2013 political violence in Egypt, photojournalist Ahmed Assem el-Senousy was killed on 8 July 2013 as a result of sniper fire, while covering a protest.^[72] In total, five journalists were killed since political violence erupted after July 2013.

Egypt's State Information Service released a statement on 17 August critical of news coverage from foreign journalists: "Media coverage has steered away from objectivity and neutrality which has led to a distorted image that is very far from the facts... Egypt is feeling severe bitterness towards some western media coverage that is biased to the Muslim Brotherhood and ignores shedding light on violent and terror acts that are perpetrated by this group."^[73]

The United Nations said about the sit-in dispersal that there had been "serious violations of human rights law", including the killing of journalists, after UNESCO's Director-General Irina Bokova had already condemned the killing earlier of journalist el-Senousy in July.^[74][75] The International Press Institute demanded that Egypt be held responsible for violations of journalists' rights and the Egyptian military's targeting of the press corps.^[76]

The Egyptian National Council for Human Rights's investigation blamed both the police and protestors for the incident. The investigation mainly blamed the police for using excessive force, and protestors for allegedly being armed.^[77] The NCHR blamed security forces for using excessive gunfire and failing to protect peaceful protestors during the crackdown on the sit-in killing hundreds. According to the report, gunmen inside the sit-in shot at police officers, provoking a violent response from police and escalating the violence.^[78]

Mostafa Hegazy, a spokesperson for Egypt's interim government, said: "We're not into the effort of dissolving anyone – or preventing anyone from being active in the public domain, but we're trying to make sure that everyone is legalised according to what the Egyptian law says..."^[79] He added that the country was facing a war waged by "terrorist forces."^[80] Interim Vice President Mohamed ElBaradei resigned in protest at the crackdown^[17] saying his conscience was troubled over the loss of life "particularly as I believe it could have been avoided. It has become too difficult to continue bearing responsibility for decisions I do not agree with and whose consequences I fear."^[36] He added that the "state of polarisation and grave division... the social fabric is threatened as violence breeds violence." He was then charged by a Cairo court with "breaching national trust;" the charge of treason could carry a 25,910EGP (US$1,430) fine if convicted. It followed a complaint that his resignation gives the international community a false impression of unity of the state as it "contradicts reality." However, after his resignation he left the country for Vienna.^[81] Interim Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawi defended the state's reactions and praised the security forces saying that "we found that matters had reached a point that no self respecting state could accept...the spread of anarchy and attacks on hospitals and police stations."^[82][83] He also recommended the dissolution of the Muslim Brotherhood.^[84] He further noted that Egypt was headed in the "right direction" and that he did "not fear civil war." In reaction to consideration of cutting aid funds from the U.S. and the EU, he defiantly said that it would be "a bad sign" in cutting of aid, but that while that would "badly affect the military for some time," Egypt would survive as "let's not forget that Egypt went with the Russian military for support and we survived. So, there is no end to life. You can live with different circumstances." It also follows Saudi Arabia's promise to fill in the aid vacuum.^[85]

On 17 August, presidential advisor Mostafa Hegazy said: "We are facing a war launched by extremist forces escalating every day to a terrorist war. Forces of extremism intend to cripple our journey towards pure bright future, aiming and willing to bring to the whole state into total failure."^[86] Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy condemned suggestion of cutting aid to Egypt and added that the government would not abandon its efforts to restore order ""We keep hearing if Egypt doesn’t do this or doesn’t do that, then aid will be stopped here or will be stopped there. If one side is revising aid they are giving, we are revising aid we receive as well."^[87] He also said in light of international criticism of the move: "The attempts to internationalize the discussions about this event is something that Egypt rejects. I ask the foreign ministry to review the foreign aid of the past and to see if those aids are used in an optimal way."^[88] In the wake of continued protests and violence, army chief Abdel Fattah el-Sisi said that he would no longer restrain his forces from confronting "attackers who want to destroy Egypt." He added:^[89]

Egyptian state television stated that the protest camps had been cleared "in a highly civilised way," while the interim government released a statement praising the "brave" security forces and blaming armed protesters present in the sit-in for the loss of life.^[23] The government also called the raids necessary and said police had confiscated guns and other weapons from the camps.^[25] The government renewed its promise to pursue an army-backed political transition plan in "a way that strives not to exclude any party".^[90] Egyptian Ambassador to the UK Ashraf el-Kholy defended the dispersal and blamed the Muslim Brotherhood for causing the difficulties, saying: "Of course they did nothing but return fire. If you have somebody firing at you then you have to respond."^[91] Party spokesman Mona al-Qazzaz said:^[79]

Grand Imam Ahmed el-Tayeb called for "restraint", saying Al-Azhar is committed to seeking a political solution to the situation.^[25] He also urged all political factions to respond to the national reconciliation efforts and said that he had no prior knowledge of the crackdown efforts.^[92] The Coptic Church condemned the attacks on its churches and called on the army to restore order.^[25] El-Tayeb and el-Baradei were among other advocated of the ouster of Morsi who later were seen to express at least a modicum of sympathy for the protesters due to the heavy-handed nature of the dispersal.^[93] The al-Nour Party called on protestors to exhibit restraint, but said the dispersals would further complicate the political process. The April 6 Youth Movement blamed "the army, interior ministry and the Muslim Brotherhood" for the violence.^[25] There were also reactions on social media.^[94] The New Wafd Party said it was the government's duty to disperse the sit-ins since the mandate to fight violence and terrorism on 26 July. It added that while the right of peaceful protest and freedom of expression is guaranteed, the protesters at both squares were not peaceful protesters and were hiding weapons; it further accused the Muslim Brotherhood of being responsible for the unrest in the country with its allegedly inciting speeches, defiance of the state and disrespect of the will of what they suggested was a majority of the people and of the army that deepened the polarisation. Former presidential candidate Amr Moussa said that "the whole Egyptian society should stand against any attempt to raise strife on the current incidents." The founder of the Free Egyptians Party Naguib Sawiris said: "Decision to disperse MB sit-ins was crucial" and that no one accepts sit-ins that block the roads and hinder economic development. Popular Current leader and former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabahi said: "We support people, army, police against terrorism" and wrote on Twitter, "We will support our people, army and police against the terrorism of those who monopolized the people's will." Former presidential candidate Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh added that was in touch with senior state officials and had asked them to take the necessary decision to stop the bloodshed immediately as it could drag the country into a wave of violence and chaos. The Dawaa Salafya called on the cabinet to resign and issued a statement that condemned the violent clashes and warned against dragging the country into mobilisation of both sides, which would negatively affect social cohesion. The foreign ministry also formed a working group of senior officials to follow up on foreign reactions to the crisis and would supply Egyptian embassies with the requisite details and follow up on foreign media coverage of the events, according to the interior ministry.^[92]

The Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies condemned the apparent use of excessive force and lethal violence by Egyptian security forces when dispersing the sit-in of protestors at Rabaa al-Adawiya and Nahda squares. In a statement, the institute said "The action left hundreds dead and thousands seriously injured, as well as dozens of bodies torched in still unexplained circumstances. We believe the security apparatus could have avoided this human tragedy if it had complied with international rules and standards for the dispersal of assemblies. Moreover, in the past weeks, the security authorities have failed to do their duty to take the necessary legal measures to protect public security and citizens, particularly residents and passersby in the aforementioned two areas"^[95]

In October 2013, Egyptian Kung-Fu gold medalist Mohamed Youssef was recalled from Russia and given a one-year suspension from all national and international competitions for wearing a T-shirt containing the Rabia sign.^{[96][97][98][99]} In November 2013, Al-Ahly's Ahmed Abd El-Zaher was deprived of his Champions League win bonus, suspended and put up for sale in the January transfer window for a gesture in support of Morsi.^{[100][101][102][103]} On 5 December 2013, the Egyptian Football Association took sanctions a step further, announcing that Abd El-Zaher has been banned from representing Egypt for one year in addition to a 3-month local ban.^[104]

On 10 December, thirteen Egyptian and international human rights organizations urged Cairo's interim authorities to probe the violence during the sit-in dispersal in the capital on 14 August. The joint call issued by organizations that included Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, said an investigation must be launched into the killing of "up to 1,000 people by security forces" almost four months ago when they dispersed sit-ins by supporters of deposed president Mohamed Morsi. "There can be no hope for the rule of law and political stability in Egypt, much less some modicum of justice for victims, without accountability for what may be the single biggest incident of mass killing in Egypt's recent history," said Gasser Abdel-Razak, associate director at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. "As a first step toward accountability, the government should establish an effective independent fact-finding committee to investigate responsibility throughout the chain of command for the unlawful killings," the rights groups said. They said that on 14 August a "small minority of protesters used firearms... but the police responded excessively by shooting recklessly, going far beyond what is permitted under international law." "After the unprecedented levels of violence and casualties seen since the ousting of Mohamed Morsi, investigations must provide real answers and cannot be another whitewash of the security forces' record," Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui of Amnesty International said in the statement. "Egypt's authorities cannot deal with the carnage through PR in world's capitals, rewriting events and locking up Morsi's supporters." The groups also said the probe should determine whether there is any evidence of a policy to kill protesters or commit other serious crimes.^[105]

The Nordic countries also advised against travel to Egypt as tour operators began cancelling trips to the country and bringing back those already in the country.^[114]

Hundreds of people protested in favor of the Brotherhood and Morsi in Kuwait and chanted slogans against then-general Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, while an unnamed cleric called on Kuwaitis to protest after Friday prayers outside of the U.S. embassy.^[141] Other protests were held in Tel Aviv and Gaza, as well as Turkey, Tunisia and Jordan.^[36] In Ankara, about 300 protesters gathered outside the Egyptian embassy, then went to the U.S. embassy and chanted anti-U.S. slogans and held up pictures of Morsi.^[108] In Vienna, about 500 demonstrators, most of them Egyptians, gathered in St. Stephens Square, chanting Morsi's name. Organiser Ali Ibrahim of the Egyptian Community in Austria said that the protest was not in support of Morsi but "for democracy and the protection of freedom." After Friday prayers, thousands of protesters gathered in several cities across Indonesia, calling for an end to any violence in Egypt.^[114] At a sit-in near the Egyptian embassy in Algiers, dozens of Egyptians, mostly students, protested against violence and denounced the events as "against the Egyptian people."^[80]

The New York Times called the dispersal the "clearest sign yet that the old Egyptian police state was re-emerging" and added that its reporters saw no evidence of weapon stockpiles in the protest camps.^[23] Al Jazeera featured an article entitled "The Egyptian coup and the lessons of Turkey" with the sub-heading that military was backtracking on the democracy that Egyptians had fought for.^[142] International commentators asked if this could lead Egypt into a civil war or even make the country a failed state.^[143] Al Jazeera suggested that the Egypt conflict divided the U.S. and its other "longtime" regional partners over their stance on the issue. Qatari-owned Al Jazeera also singled out Qatar as an exception to Gulf Arab reactions in a supportive stance to the ones who ousted Morsi. It also highlighted the Gulf Arab reversion for the Muslim Brotherhood as a potential destabiliser to its own regimes.^[144] Bloomberg suggested the U.S. was in bind as its regional allies were supporting different sides in Egypt. It also drew parallels for foreign support for Syrian rebels amongst its allies, yet different sides in the Egyptian conflict. It quoted Brian Katulis, a foreign policy analyst at the Center for American Progress, who said: "What we’re seeing in the Middle East is a competition for power and influence among the key states that are wealthier and have more resources. What Qatar and Turkey say is almost a 180-degree opposite of what the Emirates and the Saudis are saying publicly."^[145]

Egyptian shares fell the most in two months. The benchmark EGX 30 Index slumped 3.9 percent, the most since 12 June to 5,334.55 at the 1:30 p.m. close in Cairo. About 332 million Egyptian pounds ($48 million) of shares traded, compared with a one-year daily average of 391 million pounds. Commercial International Bank Egypt SAE, the country’s biggest publicly traded lender, led a list of 29 decliners with a 5.4 percent dive.^[146]

As a result of the dispersal of the sit-ins, the Rabia sign (or R4BIA as some supporters call it) emerged widely among the pro-Morsi and pro-Brotherhood masses as a part of a protest campaign against the post-Morsi governmental authorities.^[148] The origin of the sign is unclear. Raba'a means "fourth" in Arabic and the symbol was named after the Rabaa al-Adawiya square. Some credit its invention to Recep Tayyip Erdogan, then Prime Minister of Turkey.^[149]

Born in California and raised in New York, Elizabeth A. Raba graduated from Vassar College in 1983, completing her undergraduate degree in English in three years. After working in New York City in fields as varied as marketing communications and commodity metals research and analysis, she moved to Colorado in 1985. Liz then worked for a software firm that designed and marketed one of the first software packages for legal research. Liz earned her M.A. in English from the University of Northern Colorado in 1989. During her time at UNC, she taught core writing classes to UNC underclassmen and was a member of both Sigma Tau Delta (English honor society) and Kappa Delta Phi (education honor society). Liz also co-founded the English Graduate Student Association and served as the student member of the English Department Ad Hoc Committee.

Liz attended the University of Colorado Law School, graduating in 1995. During her tenure at CU, Liz was a Rothgerber, Appel, Powers & Johnson Teaching Fellow and a Teaching Assistant in the Diversity/Academic Support Program, tutoring other students in Civil Procedure and Torts. She also served as the Research Assistant for Clinical Professor Carol Glowinsky (subsequently the Hon. Carol Glowinsky of the Boulder District Court), working on the seminal Clark/Glowinsky Domestic Relations casebook. In addition to her academic interests during law school, Liz served as President of the Student Trial Lawyers Association, was the coordinator of the 1994 Women in the Law Day, and was a semi-finalist in the Rothgerber Moot Court competition. Liz is a member of the Order of the Coif, an honor reserved for those who graduate in the top 10% of their law school classes. Other honors include the Legal Aid Award and Dean’s List.

After graduation, Liz clerked for the Hon. Morris W. Sandstead, Jr. of the Boulder District Court during his rotation in the civil docket. Her duties included researching and drafting the court’s opinions and serving as bailiff during all court proceedings. She then built a thriving family law practice, becoming a partner in a firm with offices in Longmont and Greeley, and serving clients in a four-county area.

After several years of intense litigation work, Liz took some time off from the practice of law to spend more time with her young children. In returning to part-time practice, Liz now concentrates primarily on her favorite parts of legal work: research and writing. She especially enjoys the opportunity to keep her hand in litigation by working with the other lawyers of Flanders, Elsberg, Herber & Dunn, LLC.

Liz’s other profiles can be found at: (1) Colorado Bar Association and (2) Find Law.

At Project Control we are passionate about creating an inclusive workplace that promotes and values diversity.  We believe diversity drives innovation. We strive to build a culture where difference is valued. In doing so, we create an environment where everyone, from any background, can do their best work. Project Control is an Equal Opportunity/Affirmative Action Employer. All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, national origin, disability or protected veteran status.  Project Control is a VEVRAA Compliant Federal Contractor.

Project Control is committed to ensuring that our online application process provides an equal employment opportunity to all job seekers, including individuals with disabilities. If you believe you need a reasonable accommodation in order to search for a job opening or to submit an application please note your request in a call to 210.699.9090 and leave your request with HR. You may also e-mail [email protected] for assistance. We will work to assist disabled job seekers whose disability prevents them from being able to apply online. Only messages sent for this purpose will be considered. A response to your request may take up to two business days.

For the first time in the half-century since its founding, the top leadership position at San Antonio engineering firm Raba Kistner is passing out of family hands.

Gary Raba, son of the company’s founder Carl Raba, will transition his CEO title to Chris Schultz officially after the start of the new year.

The company’s revenue last year nearly topped $100 million, and it has been behind some of San Antonio’s most transformative projects, such as State Highway 130, the main campus of the University of Texas at San Antonio, the Henry B. Gonzalez Convention Center, and renovations at City Hall.

Gary Raba, who came to the helm in 2013, said he has planned for years to transition out of the role in 2020.

“You can read all the management books in the world,” Raba said. “As the CEOs get to that seven- to 10-year tenure, they tend to become more risk-averse.”

And risk-taking has been paramount to Raba Kistner’s growth, he said.

His father co-founded the company in 1968 to fill a niche corner in the world of engineering consulting. The firm drilled holes at project sites to advise contractors about the local soil and rocks, and how it could affect basements or foundations.

In the following decades, the company made dramatic expansions into other services, now arguably covering almost every step involved in the engineering of a public work: construction materials testing, environmental consulting, project management, and more.

They are involved with construction of the new, 3.1-mile Gov. Mario M. Cuomo Bridge on the Hudson River north of New York City and the electric train system at Los Angeles International Airport. And at home, as part of the city’s planned renovation of the Alamo, Raba Kistner’s archaeology team has worked to help excavate portions of the Long Barrack and church, where team members helped discover human remains.

The company has around 500 employees and operates in Texas, Utah, Nebraska, Arizona, New York, California, and Mexico.

It was bought in 2018 for roughly $55 million by Construction Sciences, an Australian firm.

Raba is a well-known name in San Antonio. Carl Raba was selected as a “legacy leader” by the North San Antonio Chamber of Commerce in 2013 for his contributions to education and for his work dealing with water and environmental issues. Raba Elementary School in Northside Independent School District was named after him.

Gary Raba, like his father, also is involved in local community projects and encourages his employees to do the same. For example, Raba and employees helped nonprofit Sleep in Heavenly Peace build bunkbeds for children in families of need.

Schultz compared his new position to “inheriting Nick Saban’s job,” referring to the head football coach at the University of Alabama, one of college football’s successful teams. Schultz has been with Raba Kistner for nearly 30 years and previously ran the firm’s Houston branch. He said he plans to keep the “family mentality” of the company.

“Our primary objective is to make our employees’ lives better. They come first,” Schultz said.

He has no plans to change Raba Kistner’s direction, which he said has seen its best year yet in 2020.   

While construction is considered an essential service, allowing Raba Kistner to continue its projects during the coronavirus pandemic, gone are the many expenses related to travel and “external marketing” – such as golf games and dinners with potential clients.

Gary Raba will not be leaving the company entirely. He will be stepping into a new role as “strategic growth officer,” drawing from his industry relationships to explore acquisitions of outside firms in related services.

“The proudest thing I could do for the heritage of this company was to hand it off to a non-Raba,” Raba said. “Because there weren’t any Rabas left.”

Disclosure: The Joni and Gary Raba Family Foundation is a financial supporter of the San Antonio Report. For a full list of business members, click here.

RABA (B. JOSEPH B. ḤAMA):

Babylonian amora of the fourth generation; born about 280 C.E. at Maḥoza (where his father was a wealthy and distinguished scholar); died there in 352 (Sherira, in Neubauer, "M. J. C." i. 32). In his youth Raba went to Sura, where he attended the lectures of R. Ḥisda and associated with Rami b. Ḥama. About ten years after the latter's death Raba married his widow, the daughter of R. Ḥisda (Yeb. 34b).

The teachers of Raba were R. Joseph, Rabbah, and, chiefly, R. Naḥman b. Jacob (who lived in Maḥoza). The chief companion of his studies was Abaye, who was about the same age, and both of them developed the dialectic method which R. Judah and their teacher Rabbah had established in their discussions of tradition; their debates became known as the "Hawayot de Abaye we-Raba" (Suk. 28a). Raba surpassed Abaye in dialectics; his conclusions and deductions were as logical as they were keen, whereas those of Abaye, although very ingenious, were not always sound.

Founds a School at Maḥoza.

When, after the death of R. Joseph, Abaye was chosen head of the Academy of Pumbedita (Hor. 14a), Raba founded a school of his own in Maḥoza, and many pupils, preferring his lectures to those of Abaye, followed him thither (B. B. 22a). After Abaye's death Raba was elected head of the school, and the academy was transferred from Pumbedita to Maḥoza, which, during the lifetime of Raba, was the only seat of Jewish learning in Babylonia.

Raba occupied a prominent position among the transmitters of the Halakah, and established many new decisions and rulings, especially in ceremonial law (e.g., Hul. 42b, 43b, 46b, 47a, b; Pes. 30a). He strove to spread the knowledge of the Halakah by discoursing upon it in lectures, to which the public were admitted, and many of his halakic decisions expressly state that they were taken from such discourses ('Er. 104a; Shab. 143a; Pes. 42a; B. B. 127a). He was a master of halakic exegesis, not infrequently resorting to it to demonstrate the Biblical authority underlying legal regulations. He adopted certain hermencutic principles which were in part modifications of older rules and in part his own (comp. Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." pp. 131-132). He was regarded as a greater authority than Abaye, and in cases where there was a difference of opinion between them Raba was generally followed; there are only six instances in which Abaye's decision was preferred (Ḳid. 52a).

As Haggadist.

Raba was as preeminent in Haggadah as in Halakah. In addition to the lectures to his pupils, he used to hold public discourses, most of them haggadic in character, and many of his interpretations of the Haggadah are expressly said to have been delivered in public (e.g., Sanh. 107a, 108b, 109a; Ḥag. 3a, 15b; 'Er. 21b; et al.). Even more numerous are the interpretations which, although not expressly stated to have been delivered in public, seem to have been presented before a general audience, since they do not differ from the others in form. The greater part of these expositions, which frequently contain popular maxims and proverbs(comp. Bacher, l.c. pp. 124 et seq.), refer to the first books of the Hagiographa—Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes.

Bacher justly infers from this that the haggadic lectures of Raba were delivered in connection with the Sabbath afternoon service, at which, according to a custom observed in Nehardea and later, probably, in Maḥoza also, parashiyyot were read from the Hagiographa (Shab. 116b; Rapoport, "'Erek Millin," pp. 170 et seq.). Raba therefore appended his haggadic discourse to the section which had been read.

The study of the Law is a frequent topic of Raba's Haggadah. In the reckoning in the future world each one will be obliged to state whether he devoted certain times to study, and whether he diligently pursued the knowledge of the Law, striving to deduce the meaning of one passage from another (Shab. 31a). The Torah, in his view, is a medicine, life-giving to those who devote themselves to it with right intent, but a deadly poison for those who do not properly avail themselves of it (Yoma 72b). "A true disciple of wisdom must be upright; and his interior must harmonize with his exterior" (ib.). Raba frequently emphasizes the respect due to teachers of the Law (e.g., Sanh. 99b; Shab. 23b), the proper methods of study ('Ab. Zarah 19a), and the rules applicable to the instruction of the young (B. B. 21a). In his Haggadah, furthermore, he repeatedly discusses the characters of Biblical history (Sanh. 108b; B. B. 123a; Soṭah 34b; etc.).

Mystical Tendency.

Raba was secretly initiated, probably by his teacher R. Joseph, into haggadic esoterism (Bacher, l.c. p. 130); he is the author of a number of aphorisms which are tinged with mysticism (see especially Sanh. 65b). On one occasion he wished to lecture in the academy upon the Tetragrammaton, but an old man prevented him, reminding him that such knowledge must be kept secret (Pes. 50a). Raba enjoyed the special protection of the mother of Shapur II., the reigning King of Persia (Ta'an. 24b), and for this reason, and in consideration of large sums which he secretly contributed to the court (Ḥag. 5b), he succeeded in making less severe Shapur's oppressions of the Jews in Babylonia.

A Raba (nemetul Raab, latinul Arrabo) Magyarorszag 3. leghosszabb folyoja, a Duna legjelentosebb magyarorszagi mellekfolyoja. Ausztriaban, Stajerorszagban, a Fischbachi-Alpokban, a Hochlantsch delkeleti lejtojen ered 1200 m magassagban. Ausztriaban 95 km-t tesz meg deli-delkeleti iranyban. Gyanafalvanal (Jennersdorf) eleri legdelebbi pontjat majd keleti-eszakkeleti iranyban folyik tovabb es Alsoszolnoknel, 288 m tengerszint feletti magassagban belep Magyarorszag teruletere. Egyes szakaszai innentol az osztrak-magyar hatart kepezi majd Rabatotfalutol (Szentgotthard) vegleg csak magyar teruleten halad tovabb. Alsoszolnoktol 188 km megtetele utan Gyornel a Mosoni-Dunaba omlik. A viszonylag nagy esesu, szelsoseges vizjarasu folyo teljes hossza 283 km,^[1] vizgyujto terulete 10 113 km², kozepes vizhozama Gyornel 27 m³/s.

Nem hajozhato, de a romai korban jelentos szallitasi utvonal volt. Ma elsosorban vizienergia- es ivovizforraskent, valamint mezogazdasagi es turisztikai szempontbol jelentos. 1896-ban Ikervarnal a Raban epult fel Magyarorszag elso, ma is mukodo vizi eromuve, 2009-ben pedig mar az otodik rabai eromu, a nicki duzzasztogat mellett epult kenyeri kezdte meg a termelest. A folyo menti telepulesek a Raba-parti kutakbol nyerik ivovizuket es az ontozeses novenytermeszteshez is felhasznaljak a Raba vizet. Minden nyaron sok furdozot es csonakazni, kajakozni, kenuzni vagyo turistat vonz a folyo annak ellenere, hogy zsilipkamra nelkuli duzzasztogatjai a csonakazok dolgat kisse megnehezitik.

Magyar neve kelta vagy illir eredetu latin elnevezesebol (Ar(r)abo) szarmazik, amelynek szotoveben a sotetvoroses, barnas jelentesu indoeuropai orob melleknev rejtozhet. Valoszinuleg szlav kozvetitessel kerult nyelvunkbe.^[2]

A Raba Ausztriaban, a Fischbachi-Alpokban, a Hochlantsch delkeleti lejtojen, mintegy 1200 m magassagban, ket agbol ered. A ket ag 11 km megtetele utan Passailnal, 411 m magassagban egyesul. A hegyek kozotti szuk volgyben nagy s meg a magyar hatarnal is 89,6 cm/km esessel folyik a folyo. Kormendet elhagyva az Orsegi dombok szeles volgyeben lelassul, kanyarogni kezd. Sarvarnal er a Rabakoz siksagara. Esese Marcaltonel tovabb csokken, s Gyornel, ahol a Mosoni-Dunaba omlik, mar csak 24,1 cm/km.

Teljes hossza 283 km, ebbol 95 km az ausztriai es 188 km a magyarorszagi szakasz. Medre Csakanydoroszloig erosen beagyazott, de attol lefele hordalekkupon helyezkedik el. Az allandoan kanyargo folyo itt intenziv kanyarepitest vegez, es igy a 19. szazad vegi szabalyozaskor vegzett atvagasokkal jelentosen leroviditett hossza ujra no. Szelessege a magyarorszagi szakaszon 30 es 50 meter kozott valtakozik, melysege (a duzzasztogatak folotti melyebb reszeket nem szamitva) 1-2,5 meter, de aszalyos evekben gazlok kialakulasa sem ritka. Viszont ha az Alpokban sok eso hull, vagy tavasszal hirtelen olvadni kezd a ho, akkor elofordul, hogy vizallasa egy nap alatt akar 5 meterrel is emelkedik. Ha az also szakaszon ehhez hozzaadodik a Duna duzzaszto hatasa, akkor ott a napi szintemelkedes akar a 7 metert is elerheti.

A Raba vizenek sebessege 2 km/h es 11 km/h kozott valtakozik az esozesek es a hoolvadas gyorsasaganak fuggvenyeben. Kozepes vizhozama a torkolatnal 27 m³/s.

A folyo vizgyujto terulete magaban foglalja a Stajer-Alpok deli lejtoit, az Orseg eszaki reszet, a Vasi-Hegyhat es a Kemeneshat eszaknyugati oldalat, a Kemenesaljat, a Sokoroi-dombsagot, a Keszthelyi-fennsik eszaki es a Bakony eszaknyugati lejtoit, valamint a Kisalfoldet es a Ferto-to videket. A teljes vizgyujto terulet 10 113 km², de ennek csak valamivel tobb mint a fele, mintegy 5 600 km² esik magyar teruletre. A vizgyujto 2%-a belterulet, 7%-a ret, legelo, nadas, 60%-a szanto es 31%-a erdo.

Fontosabb mellekvizei a vizfolyas iranyaban haladva (zarojelben a torkolat helye):

Ausztriaban:

Magyarorszagon:

A Raba, hazank egyik legkevesbe haboritott folyovize, szamos fajnak nyujt otthont. Elovilaganak kialakulasaban donto szerepe volt a teruleten ervenyesulo domborzati es eghajlati hatasoknak. Ez az elovilag egyszerre alpokaljai, szubmediterran, es kontinentalis hatasokat tukroz.

A Raba elovilagat Kormenden, a Batthyany-kastelyban berendezett Raba Helytorteneti Muzeum allando kiallitason mutatja be.

Az Alpokalja novenyvilaganak reszet kepezi a Raba menten is elo struccharaszt, a sargaliliom es a pajzstok.

A gombak kozul az artereken sok helyen megtalalhato a mezei szegfugomba, a parlagi tolcsergomba, a kerti susulyka, a csiperke, a pofeteg, a majusi pereszke, a sarga gevagomba es a laskagomba.

Az arteri erdok szelen szamos moha-fele el: pusztai tujamoha, habos ligetmoha, viaszmoha, erdei szormoha stb.

Harasztok, zsurlok es pafranyok is mindenutt talalhatok a Raba-volgyben.

Az eredeti termeszetes novenytarsulasokra pelda a ma mar csak a sarvari arteren elo tolgy-koris-szil ligeterdo es a Kormend melletti gyertyanos-kocsanyos tolgyes. A kormendi kastelyparkban 200 evesnel idosebb kocsanyos tolgyek is vannak, a 2006-ban elpusztult zsennyei tolgy pedig az orszag talan legoregebb es legvastagabb faja volt: kerulete meghaladta a 10 metert.

A mederben es kavicsagyaban rengeteg folyamkagylo talalhato.

A rovarfajok kozul jelen vannak a kereszek (tiszavirag, dunavirag), kulonbozo szitakotok, legyek, szunyogok, a csikbogar, a buvarpok, kulonbozo levelbogarak, ormanyosbogarak, cserebogarak, lepkek, peldaul a bagolylepke, a farontolepke es tarkalepkek, a leveldarazsak, a futobogarak es a diszbogarak.

A halak kozul emlitest erdemel a ponty, a harcsa, a menyhal, a csuka, a sullo, a marna, a magyar buco es a nemet buco es a keszeg. Hegyvideki es mocsari halfajok is megtalalhatok, peldaul a torpeharcsa es a compo.

A nedves elohelyeken beka- es gotefajok, valamint hullok elnek, peldaul vizisiklo es furge gyik.

A Raba-volgyben tobb mint 200 madarfaj el. A kavicszatonyokon jellemzo a kis lile es a billegetocanko, a szakado partok falaba vajt koltouregekben, telepesen gyurgyalag, helyenkent egyesevel a jegmadar feszkel, a viz fole hajlo agakra nyarfamag repitoszorebol szott zart, zacsko alaku feszkeben fuggocinege kolt. A part menti ligeterdok meretes faiba vajt odvakban a fekete harkaly jellegzetes, de mas harkaly-fajok is elnek itt. A partelek bokrosaiban a berki tucsokmadar, fulemule es baratposzata, a csalanosokban enekes nadiposzata es ciganycsuk a leggyakoribb enekesmadarak. A ragadozomadar-fajok kozul az egereszolyv, a heja es a karvaly, a baglyok kozul a macskabagoly es az erdei fulesbagoly kerul leggyakrabban szem ele.

Az emlosfajok szama meghaladja a harmincat. Megfigyelheto itt a vizi kornyezethez alkalmazkodott ket nagy testu ragcsalo: a pezsmapocok es a hod, valamint a halakat fogyaszto vidra is. A gyakoribb fajok kozul emlitest erdemel meg a nyuszt, a nyest, a menyet, a hermelin, a borz es a mokus. Az ejszakai eletmodu deneverek gyakran mar alkonyat elott megjelennek ivo helyeiknel a folyo felett.

A hazankban honos nagyvadak kozul megfigyelheto itt a gimszarvas, az oz es a vaddiszno.

A Raba kialakulasa 3 millio evvel ezelottre teheto, amikor a Duna elhagyta a teruletet.^[3] Pannonia 2. szazadi abrazolasat tartalmazo Klaudiosz Ptolemaiosztol szarmazo terkepen az eszakkeletre tarto Raba / ARABON.FLV. BREGAETIUM-nal omlik a Dunaba.^[4]

A 14.-15. szazadi oklevelekbol a Raba folyasanak iranya az erintett telepulesek alapjan jol beazonosithato. Ezek a telepulesek reszben a foag menten – Iwanch (1346), Rum (1350), Hydwegh (1372) , Uyfalua (1429), Azzonfalua (1451), Papuch/Ekl (1367), Marzalthew (1469), Malomsok (1474), Moruchyda (1287) – valamint a Rabakozben – Vycha (1360), Vadosfalua (1428), Myhaly (1429), Kysfalud (1433), Petlend (1317), Chanyk (1436)- talalhatok. Ennek oka, hogy a Raba Nick tersegeben elagazott, tobb agon folyt a Rabakozben eszakra es folyt a jelenlegi foag iranyaban.

Egy, a Rabakozben folyo agat II. Andras 1233-ban kelt privilegiuma szerint Rabche-nak, mig ugyanazt 1377-ben – a Mihalyi-i nemesek nyilatkozata szerint – mar Rabanak hivnak. Ugyancsak a Mihalyi-i nemesekkel kapcsolatos 1429. evi bizonysaglevel szerint Myhaly es Lynkohath possessiok teruleten levo malmok a Raba, mas neven pedig a Baluanus es Luas folyokon voltak.^[5][6]

A nyugatabbra elhelyezkedo Balvanyos (Balvanus/Baluanus) es a keletibb helyzetu Lusa (Lusa/Luas) folyok mar korabbi oklevelekben is megtalalhatok a mai Kis-Raba tersegeben. Jelenleg a Kis-Raba Nicknel elvalik a Rabatol es Kapuvaron tul a Repce folyoval egyesulve Rabcakent folyik tovabb.

A 16. szazadban megjeleno kezdetleges magyarorszagi terkepek gyakorlatilag meg ugyanezt az allapotot mutatjak. Az 1811. evi Sopron varmegye terkepen meg meglevo, Edve es Vag kozott kiagazo, majd szetvalo es eszaknak tarto masik mellekag is megfigyelheto.

A Raba jobb oldalan levo mellekagakkal kapcsolatban – Papoc, Marcalto, Morichida – altalanosan hasznalatos Mezeuraba/ Mezoraba elnevezes. Vas varmegyei oklevelekben gyakran hasznalt megnevezes meg a sylva Raba/Raba erdo, mely a folyo artereben levo nagy kiterjedesu erdokre utal. Egy, 1350-ben I. Lajos altal atirt oklevel vasvari Raba folyo "varnagy"-nak nevezett comesrol tesz emlitest.

A folyo mai allapota a 17. szazad elejetol inditott szabalyozasi munkak eredmenye.

A Raba aradasai mar az Arpad-korban is veszelyt jelentettek a folyo menten letesult telepulesekre nezve. IV. Bela egy 1226-bol fennmaradt kivaltsaglevelebol es a gyori kaptalan egy 1263-as levelebol is arrol ertesulunk, hogy mar a 13. szazadban csatornakkal es vedogatakkal probaltak elharitani e veszelyt. 1247-ben lebontattak a Raban epult „kartekony”, azaz arvizveszelyt okozo malmokat es elrendeltek a kisalfoldi csatornatoltesek megerositeset.^{[m 1]} Az 1636. evi 64. sz. torveny „kuldottseget” hivott eletre a „Raba-meder kitisztitasa es az ottani vizbajok elharitasa” targyaban. 1746-ban Veszprem varmegye panasszal elt, mert Vas varmegye hataraban, a Raba partjan ot evvel korabban Sopron megye gatat emelt, amely megzavarta a Raba folyasat es annyira felduzzasztotta az Asvany-arkon at kitoro vizeket, hogy azok elarasztottak es elmocsarasitottak a Marcal-menti mezoket.

A Raba szabalyozasanak es eros gatak koze szoritasanak folyamata Gyor, Moson, Sopron es Vas varmegyek, valamint Sopron szabad kiralyi varos kuldotteinek 1870-ben Szombathelyen tartott talalkozojaval kezdodott. A talalkozo resztvevoi kimondtak, hogy szuksegesnek tartjak es igenylik a szabalyozast, s egyben kertek a kormanyt, hogy a szabalyozasi terveket keszittesse el. A terveket Ujhazy Janos fomernok 1871-ben el is keszitette. Arternek azokat a teruleteket tekintette, amelyeket az 1853. evi nagy aradas alkalmaval elontott a viz. Meg 1871 novembereben megalakult es megkezdte mukodeset a Rabaszabalyozo Tarsulat.

1879-ben hatalmas arviz pusztitott a Raba menten. A folyo Malomsoknal es Mergesnel atszakitotta a jobb oldali regi, gyenge tolteseket, majd tobb helyen attort a bal oldali toltesen is, tengerre valtoztatva a videket. Az okozott karok nagysaga is hozzajarult ahhoz, hogy a szabalyozasi munkalatok felgyorsultak, de a penzhiany tovabbra is gondot okozott. Ekkor kovetkezett be az 1883-as, a negy evvel korabbinal is pusztitobb arviz: a toltesek ismet tobb helyen atszakadtak, a viz elvitte az arpasi hidat, Sobor es Arpas kozsegekben a hazakat is elontotte, majd a Duna aradasatol is felerositve hatalmas rombolast vegzett Gyorben es kornyeken, hazak doltek ossze, emberek ezreit kellett kitelepiteni.

Az 1883-as arviz utan mar a kormany is fontosnak tartotta a szabalyozas felgyorsitasat, ezert dotacioval es bankgaranciakkal tamogatta a gatepitest, majd az Orszaggyules torvenybe iktatta a Raba szabalyozasanak folytatasat es befejezeset.^[7] Amire a torvenyi szabalyozas nem terjedt ki, azt a kozlekedesi miniszter 39161/1885. sz. rendelete hatarozta meg; ennek 75. cikke peldaul meg azt is kimondta, hogy „gatorsegi szolgalatra csak ep es eros testalkatu, 40 evesnel nem idosebb s 20 evesnel nem fiatalabb, irni es olvasni tudo egyen alkalmazhato”.

A szabalyozas most mar valoban felgyorsult es az arvizveszelynek kitett Sarvar-Gyor kozotti szakaszon 10 ev alatt, 1893-ra gyakorlatilag befejezodott. A Raba e szakaszat 80 atmetszessel 48 km-rel, 131 km-rol 83 km-re roviditettek. Az arvizvedelmi toltesek majdnem teljesen parhuzamosak, egymastol valo tavolsaguk Gyor-Arpas kozott 400 m, Marcaltonel 320 m, folotte pedig 200 m. Az uj toltesekbe oriasi mennyisegu foldet es egyeb anyagot epitettek be, peldaul csak Marcalto es Arpas kozott 619 287 m³-t. A gatak a tovabbiakban megfeleltek az elvarasoknak. 1900-ban egy minden addiginal nagyobb arhullam meg toltesszakadast okozott ugyan, es a viz 30 000 hektart elontott, de az 1910-es, 1925-os es 1963-as ugyancsak hatalmas arhullamok mar nem tudtak bajt okozni. 1965 aprilisaban azutan a Raba bal oldali mellekfolyoin ismet minden addiginal nagyobb arhullamok keletkeztek, ezek egyesultek a Raba arhullamaval, aminek kovetkezteben az osszegyult viz 30–50 cm-rel meghaladta a Raba-toltes koronajat es tobb helyen gatszakadast idezett elo. Az arnak megsem lettek katasztrofalis kovetkezmenyei, mert a vizet rovid idon belul sikerult a mar alacsonyabb vizallasu folyoba visszavezetni.

A folyo vizminosege a 20. szazad kozepeig egeszen kivalo volt, meteres melysegnel is latni lehetett a meder aljat es a vizben uszkalo halakat. Az otvenes evektol azonban egyre nagyobb mertekben szennyezi a volgyeben zajlo ipari es mezogazdasagi tevekenyseg. Furdeni es horgaszni ma is lehet a folyoban, de vize egyre kevesbe attetszo. Az ezredfordulo ota egyes ausztriai borgyarak – a ket orszag illetekes hatosagainak e targyban folytatott targyalasai es megallapodasai ellenere – nem megfeleloen tisztitott szennyvizet engednek bele. E vizszennyezes kovetkezmenye a Raba gyakori „habzasa”.

A kozepkorban a Raba felso szakaszan elhelyezkedo negy jelentosebb atkelot (Sarvar, Rabahidveg, Kormend, Csakanydoroszlo) eros varak vedtek. Ekkor a torokok elleni kuzdelem termeszetes vedvonalanak reszet kepezte az itt meg sebes, nagy esesu vizfolyas. (Sarvar, Kormend es Csakanydoroszlo restauralt varkastelya ma is lathato, csak a rabahidvegit pusztitottak el teljesen a torokok 1532-ben.)

1664-ben a torok sereg tobbszor is sikertelenul probalt atkelni a folyon, mig nehezen, de eljutottak Szentgotthardig. Itt komoly vereseget szenvedtek, de majdnem ket evtizeddel kesobb masik nagy tamadasuk soran atszakitottak a folyo vedelmi vonalat es eljutottak Becs ala.

A masodik vilaghaboru utolso heteiben a visszavonulo nemet katonak tobb Raba-hidat felrobbantottak, es a tuleroben levo szovjet csapatoknak csak tobb napos elkeseredett harc aran sikerult atkelniuk a meg egyszer, utoljara vedvonalla valtoztatott folyon.

A Raba magyarorszagi szakaszan a vizfolyas iranyaban haladva az alabbi ot vizeromu talalhato. Ezek beepitett osszteljesitmenye 4 747 kW, evi energiatermelesuk mintegy 29 millio kWh.

A Raba menti telepulesek novenytermesztoi szamara a Raba kozelsege lehetove teszi a kulonbozo novenykulturak szukseg szerinti ontozeset.

Fontos szerepet kap a folyo a Raba mente ivovizellatasaban is. A terseg telepulesei a felszini vizfolyassal kozvetlen kapcsolatban allo porozus kozetbol nyerik a vezetekes vizet. Ez a viz jo minosegu, de magas vas- es mangantartalmu. Mindenkori minosege termeszetesen fugg a folyo vizminosegetol.

Nyaranta a Raba-part sok strandolot, furdozot vonz. Minden telepulesnek van hivatalosan kijelolt vagy hagyomanyosan latogatott rabai furdohelye, de – az eromuvek kozvetlen szomszedsagat kiveve – mashol is lehet furodni.

A folyo partjan tavasztol oszig jelen vannak a horgaszok. Az ervenyben levo szabalyok szerint ejjel-nappal lehet horgaszni, engedelyezett a pergetes es a szakall nelkuli harmas horog hasznalata is. Csonakot hasznalni es satrat verni is szinte mindenhol lehet.

Minden nyaron szerveznek viziturakat is. A folyo felso szakasza csak kajakkal vagy kenuval jarhato, de Nicktol Gyorig evezos hajoval is. A hosszabb turak altalaban Szentgotthardrol vagy Kormendrol indulnak, s a turazoknak kulon kalandot jelent a duzzasztogatak es eromuvek akadalyanak lekuzdese (ez altalaban a hajok „atemeleset” jelenti). A folyo vegigjarasa nagy figyelmet kivan, eles kanyarok, parthoz nyomo aramlatok, vizbe dolt fak, rozsegatak, colopok, zatonyok es homokpadok teszik nehezze es egyben valtozatossa a haladast.

A vizfolyas iranyaban haladva.

Hohenau an der Raab – a folyo bal partjan, 1300 lakos, hid.
Passail – a folyo mindket partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Gutenberg an der Raabklamm – a folyo jobb partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Arzberg – a folyo mindket partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Sankt Ruprecht an der Raab – a folyo mindket partjan, 1 200 lakos, hid.
Mortantsch – a folyo bal partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Mitterdorf an der Raab – a folyo jobb partjan, 2 100 lakos, hid.
Gleisdorf – a folyo mindket partjan, 5 600 lakos, 4 hid.
Hofstatten an der Raab – a folyo bal partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Sankt Margarethen an der Raab – a folyo jobb partjan, 3 800 lakos, hid.
Studenzen – a folyo jobb partjan, 700 lakos, hid.
Fladnitz im Raabtal – a folyo bal partjan, 800 lakos, hid.
Kirchberg an der Raab – a folyo jobb partjan, 2 000 lakos, hid.
Rohr an der Raab – a folyo bal partjan, 1 400 lakos, hid.
Paurach – a folyo bal partjan, 2 200 lakos, hid.
Gniebing-Weissenbach – a folyo bal partjan, 2 200 lakos, hid.
Feldbach – a folyo mindket partjan, 4 700 lakos, 2 hid.
Raabau – a folyo bal partjan, 1 400 lakos, hid.
Lodersdorf – a folyo bal partjan, 700 lakos, hid.
Johnsdorf-Brunn – a folyo bal partjan, 800 lakos, 2 hid.
Fehring – a folyo jobb partjan, 3 000 lakos, hid.
Hohenbrugg-Weinberg – a folyo bal partjan, 1 000 lakos, hid.
Schiefer – a folyo jobb partjan, 1 400 lakos, hid.
Rabaszentmarton (Sankt Martin an der Raab) – a folyo jobb partjan, 2 100 lakos, hid.
Gyanafalva (Jennersdorf) – a folyo bal partjan, 4 200 lakos, hid.
Badafalva (Weichselbaum) – a folyo bal partjan, 700 lakos.
Nagyfalva (Mogersdorf) – a folyo bal partjan, 1 200 lakos.

Alsoszolnok – a folyo jobb partjan, 400 lakos, hid.
Szentgotthard – a folyo mindket partjan, 9 000 lakos, hid.
Magyarlak – a folyo jobb partjan, 700 lakos.
Csorotnek – a folyo jobb partjan, 900 lakos, hid.
Vasszentmihaly – a folyo bal partjan, 400 lakos.
Rabagyarmat – a folyo jobb partjan, 800 lakos, hid.
Ratot – a folyo bal partjan, 200 lakos.
Hegyhatszentmarton – a folyo jobb partjan, 100 lakos.
Ivanc – a folyo jobb partjan, 700 lakos.
Csakanydoroszlo – a folyo bal partjan, 1 800 lakos, hid.
Kormend – a folyo bal partjan, 12 000 lakos, hid.
Magyarszecsod – a folyo bal partjan, 500 lakos.
Molnaszecsod – a folyo bal partjan, 400 lakos, hid.
Egyhazashollos – a folyo bal partjan, 600 lakos.
Rabahidveg – a folyo bal partjan, 1 000 lakos, hid.
Puspokmolnari – a folyo bal partjan, 900 lakos.
Zsennye – a folyo bal partjan, 100 lakos.
Rum – a folyo bal partjan, 1 300 lakos, hid.
Meggyeskovacsi – a folyo bal partjan, 800 lakos.
Ikervar – a folyo bal partjan, 1 900 lakos, hid.
Sarvar – a folyo bal partjan, 15 000 lakos, 2 hid.
Uraiujfalu – a folyo bal partjan, 900 lakos, hid.
Ostffyasszonyfa – a folyo jobb partjan, 800 lakos.
Nick – a folyo bal partjan, 500 lakos.
Kenyeri – a folyo jobb partjan, 900 lakos, hid.
Rabakecol – a folyo bal partjan, 700 lakos.
Papoc – a folyo jobb partjan, 300 lakos.
Vag – a folyo bal partjan, 500 lakos, hid.
Kemenesszentpeter – a folyo jobb partjan, 700 lakos.
Rabasebes – a folyo bal partjan, 100 lakos.
Varkeszo – a folyo jobb partjan, 200 lakos, hid.
Marcalto – a folyo jobb partjan, 800 lakos, kozuti es vasuti hid.
Malomsok – a folyo jobb partjan, 600 lakos.
Sobor – a folyo bal partjan, 300 lakos.
Arpas – a folyo mindket partjan, 200 lakos, hid.
Morichida – a folyo jobb partjan, 900 lakos.
Rabaszentmiklos – a folyo jobb partjan, 100 lakos.
Kisbabot – a folyo jobb partjan, 200 lakos, hid.
Bodonhely – a folyo bal partjan, 300 lakos.
Rabaszentmihaly – a folyo jobb partjan, 500 lakos, hid.
Rabacsecseny – a folyo bal partjan, 600 lakos.
Merges – a folyo bal partjan, 100 lakos, hid.
Rabapatona – a folyo bal partjan, 2 500 lakos, hid.
Gyor – a folyo mindket partjan, 132 000 lakos, 7 hid.

Ernest A. Raba Sr., longtime professor and dean emeritus of St. Mary’s University School of Law, died Dec. 3 at the age of 95.

Raba, the third dean of St. Mary’s School of Law, served from 1946 to 1978, making him one of the longest-serving deans in American legal education. As dean, he ushered in the modern era of legal education at St. Mary’s, overseeing the law school’s initial accreditation by both the American Bar Association and the Association of American Law Schools, the building of the law library’s holdings and the school’s move from St. Mary’s original downtown campus to its current location in 1967. In addition, he was responsible for securing funding for many of the law school’s current facilities.

“St. Mary’s School of Law exists today because of the groundwork laid by Ernest A. Raba,” said St. Mary’s Interim Dean, Charles Cantu. “He devoted his life to fulfilling this physical plan. There are many successful lawyers practicing today only because Dean Raba saw their potential and took a chance by admitting them to law school. His death creates a big gap in the fabric of legal education.”

Raba was born Dec. 1, 1912, the youngest of seven children born to German immigrants Ernest Wilhelm Raba and Maria Margaret Fuhrwerk. He graduated from St. Mary’s Academy High School, the forerunner of San Antonio’s Central Catholic High School, before attending St. Mary’s University, where he earned three degrees: a bachelor’s degree in 1934; a juris doctorate in 1937; and a doctorate of laws in 1977. Raba joined the law school’s part-time faculty in 1938. He then served in the Army during World War II, eventually becoming a Judge Advocate General Corps officer. He married the late Betty Vivian Myers on March 10, 1945. The couple had four children: Ernest Jr., Cindy Raba Malone, Paul and John.

He returned to St. Mary’s in 1946 as dean and remained in that post for 32 years. Raba continued to teach constitutional and civil rights law for 10 years after his retirement.

“Dean Raba was responsible for building the modern law school at St. Mary’s, both physically and academically, and his commitment to the mission of the Marianists and St. Mary’s was evident in his dedication to the school. He is responsible for charting a course for the law school that ensured an outstanding legal education was open to all qualified students,” said Charles L. Cotrell, Ph.D., President of St. Mary’s University.

Raba was a member of the San Antonio Bar Association, State Bar of Texas, Texas Bar Foundation, American Bar Association and was a former president of the St. Mary’s Alumni Association. He was named University Professor in 1988 and Dean Emeritus in 1990. Raba also served for a time as St. Mary’s Vice President for Development, securing critical private and federal funding during the major building program of the 1960s. He played a key role in securing the federal loan and grant needed to build the law center at its present location and used his personal connections to lobby for a change in the Higher Education Facilities Act.

Raba was one of a handful of St. Mary’s law alumni named among the 102 most influential Texas Lawyers of the 20^th Century by Texas Lawyer magazine.

He was named Distinguished Law Graduate in 1982 and honored with the St. Mary’s University Distinguished Alumnus Award twice (1962, 1977). He was also given the St. Thomas More Award in 1988.

The family has requested that tributes made in his honor should be designated for the Ernest A. Raba Scholarship Fund at St. Mary’s law school.